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Feldpost R & V-Label variations Feldpost R & V-Label variations 25.02.1943 Feldpost R-Label reverse.jpeg 25.02.1943 Feldpost R-Label reverse.jpeg 1/1 Example of registered feldpost mail with Feldpost Office identification number (335) being incorporated by way of the feldpost cancel. Ref: 25.02.1943, MFP24/139 Registered mail labels as used within the German feldpost system (and beyond). Basic R-Label with hand-stamped identification number (865). Ref: 14.09.1942, MFP1/133 'Feldpost' imprint with hand-stamped Kenn-Nr. Ref:29.06.1944 - 1/99 Feldpost office Identification number (335) by way of feldpost cancellation. Ref:25.02.1943, MFP24/139 'Deutsche Feldpost' printed text with hand-stamp feldpost office number (740). Ref: 16.06.1943, MFP51/140 Use of feldpost R-label in the Reichspost Lesser seen use of Feldpost R-label in the Reichspost with 'Feldpost' being over-stamped with 'Neuglobsow'. Ref: 06.09.1944, MFP182/146 Post-War usage of feldpost R-label Post-war use of R-Label in Buchholz (hand stamped '10 Buchholz'). Ref: 28.01.1946 - 10/71 Post-war use of R-Label in Chemnitz (hand stamped 'Chnz 25'). Ref: 19.02.1946 - 10/42 Post-war use of R-Label in Frankfurt a.M. (hand stamp 'Frankfurt (Main) 2'). Ref: 20.04.1946 - 10/15 Post-war use of R-Label in Hamburg (manuscript 'Ham 46'). Ref: 12.04.1946 - ? Post-war use of R-Label in Hamm (hand stamp 'Hamm (Sieg)'). See 08.01.1947 - 15/95 Post-war use of R-Label in Mayen (hand stamp 'Mayen'). Ref: 12.04.1946 - 15/14 Post-war use of R-Label in Schlüchtern (hand-stamp 'Schlüchtern'). Ref: 01.03.1946 - 16/3 Post-war use of naval R-Label in Wesermünde (hand stamp 'Wesermünde-Wulsdorf'). From Oct.1942 the navy used roman numerals on registered mail to disguise its postal origin. Ref: 18.05.1946 - 15/32 Valeur mail labels as used within the German feldpost system (and beyond) Post-war use of V-Label in Frankenberg (manuscript 'Frankenberg Sachs'). Ref: 05.04.1948 - 10/53 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Telegrams Small format (Din C6) Telegrams Small format (Din C6) 1/0 Link to large format telegrams (Schmuckblatt) Small format (Din C6) directory (in approximate date order) Left: HK 1. 40 2100 000 Right: X C 187c Din C6 Black text/ 'Inliegend Telegramm!' + Nazi adler + advertising. Ref: 16.12.1943 - 23/40 Left: C Pf N. 8. 40. Right: X C 187b Din C6 Red text/ 'Inliegend Telegramm!' + Nazi adler + advertising. Ref: 11.01.1943 - 23/39 Left: EMD 3.41 1100 000. Right: X C 187b Din C6 Red text/ 'Inliegend Telegramm!' + Nazi adler + advertising. Ref: 19.06.1942 - 23/38 Left: C Pf N. 1. 42 Right: X C 187c Din C6 Black text/ 'Inliegend Telegramm!' + Nazi adler. Ref: 16.07.1943 Left: (Circular icon) 5.43 Right: X C 187c Din C6, (Kl. VII) Red text/ 'Inliegend Telegramm!' + Nazi adler + advertising. Ref: 30.12.1943 - 23/41 Smaller envelope with all information to the right of the window. Right: H.K. 8.43 3000 000 Beneath: XC187c (Spar) Din C6, Kl.VII Black text/ 'Inliegend Telegramm!' + Nazi adler + advertising. Ref: 26.09.1944 - 23/42 Left: (Circular icon) 10.43 Right: X C 187c Din C6 (Kl. VII) Black text/ 'Inliegend Telegramm!' + Nazi adler. Ref: 01.08.1943 - 35 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

LX5 (1.29) Ref: 17.04.1933 17th April 1933 1/2 LX5 (1.29) Ref: 17.04.1933 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Mi.482-495 (04.-08.1933) Hindenburg Medallion Definitives 1/1 Mi.482-Mi.495 Definitives (Hindenburg Medallion) Notes: Design: Karl Goetz ('medallion' first used for the 1st Oct. 1932 Hindenburg issue - Mi.467-473). Letterpress printing (Rotary - Harper & Scheck). Sheets 10 x 10. Watermark: horizontal waffles (mesh). Perf. 14:14¼ (14:14½ - Harper & Scheck). Quantity issued: unknown. Valid until May 1945 Karl Goetz Born on June 28th, 1875, in Augsburg, Goetz attended the school of art in Augsburg, and continued his education in schools of art in Dresden, Leipzig, Berlin, and Düsseldorf from 1895 to 1897. He then went to Utrecht, in Holland, and later to Le Locle, during the years 1897 to 1899, spent 5 years in Paris, and in 1904 moved to Munich. He grew to love this ancient city and it became his home. One of the proudest moments of Goetz's life came when the city of Munich awarded him rights as a citizen. He lived there for forty six years, until his death on 8th September 1950. Now an artist in his own field, Goetz led an active life, becoming a member of the Munich Artists Society, The Numismatic Society, The Antique Club of Munich, and The Austrian Association for Numismatics in Vienna. Nevertheless, Goetz managed to create over 800 medals. A great number of these medals are shown and possessed by the Kaiser Friedrich Museum in Berlin, the Münzkabinett in Munich, the Germanische Museum Nürnberg, and the Münzkabinetts Vienna, Grafenhage, and London. The Universitetets Myntkabinett in Oslo, Norway has 69 Goetz medals on display. There are also many medals which are owned by the American Numismatic Society in New York. Some of the largest private collections in the United States are the Saginaw Valley Collection, and, of course, the KarlGoetz.com Collection. Many of the medals made by Goetz were reduced in size to 60, 36, and 21 mm. The metal molds and steel dies were worked over and finished by Goetz himself, since he had gone through an engraver's apprenticeship in Augsburg. These medals were minted in bronze, silver, and gold by the Bayerisches Hauptmünzamt in Munich. One of the most common was the 'Hindenburg' 80th birthday commemorative, K-386, struck in silver and gold, Mintage figures of these medals exceeded one million struck. Hundreds of metal moulds and steel dies, which had been stored in the Hauptmünzamt in Munich, were rendered unserviceable by the bombings of World War II. Because of this portrait medal of Hindenburg, made in 1927, Goetz received the commission to design the Hindenburg postage stamp for the government in the year 1932. In 1946 Karl Goetz worked on his last medal, the great K-633, 'The German Passion.' On the reverse side is inscribed a passage taken from the Lord's prayer, 'Forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors, and lead us not in temptation, but deliver us from evil.' On the other side the figure of a man, praying to Jesus Christ on the cross, resembles Goetz himself. This medal seems to have a wealth of symbolic meaning. One is reminded that Goetz and his fatherland, at the end of World War II in 1945, faced the question of what evil deeds had been committed during the fatal twelve years of the Hitler regime. This last medal by Goetz deserves recognition as the culmination of his lifework. It is fitting that his son Guido, who finished this medal due to his father's illness, changed the date from 1946, to 1950. It was an appropriate act to date this medal with Karl Goetz's year of death. Goetz was a man of genius who lived for his work. In the last years before his death, he had suffered from paralysis of the right hand; yet he continued his work as long as he was able. By the time of his death the right side of his body had become completely paralyzed. Karl Goetz died at the age of seventy-five on 8th September 1950. Source: karlgoetz.com Mi.482 (Apr.1933). Ref: 31.07.1933 Mi.483 (4 Pf) Mi.484 (Apr.1933). Ref: 07.06.1933 Mi.485 (Apr.1933). Ref: 30.01.1934 Mi.486 (10 Pf) Mi.487 (Apr.1933). Ref: 05.11.1933 Mi.488 (Aug.1933) Ref: 20.06.1934 Rare on cover. Could be Mi.520? Mi.489 (20 Pf) Mi.490 (30 Pf) Mi.491 (40 Pf) Mi.492 (50 Pf) Mi.493 (60 Pf) Mi.494 (80 Pf) Mi.495 (100 Pf) Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Propaganda postcard sent towards the end of World War One. The quote, attributed to Friedrich the Great, reads, 'Es wird das Jahr stark u.scharf hergehn - Aber man muß die Ohren steif halten u.Jeder, der Ehre u.Liebe für das Vaterland hat muß alles daran setzen' (loosely translated to, 'The year will be tough and fierce - but one must keep a steady hand and everyone who has honour and love for the fatherland must do everything in his power'). This same message would be revived by the National Socialists in 1941. Imprint: 'Druck und Verlag: A. Wohlfeld, Magdeburg'. Ref: 26.06.1918 - 13/104 12th April 1933 Friedrich the Great 26.06.1918 Friedrich the Great reverse.jpeg 26.06.1918 Friedrich the Great reverse.jpeg 1/1 Propaganda postcard sent towards the end of World War One. The quote, attributed to Friedrich the Great, reads, 'Es wird das Jahr stark u.scharf hergehn - Aber man muß die Ohren steif halten u.Jeder, der Ehre u.Liebe für das Vaterland hat muß alles daran setzen' (loosely translated to, 'The year will be tough and fierce - but one must keep a steady hand and everyone who has honour and love for the fatherland must do everything in his power'). This same message would be revived by the National Socialists in 1941. Imprint: 'Druck und Verlag: A. Wohlfeld, Magdeburg'. Ref: 26.06.1918 - 13/104 Friedrich der Große Frederick II (1712 - 1786) was the monarch of Prussia from 1740 until his death in 1786. He was the last Hohenzollern monarch titled King in Prussia , declaring himself King of Prussia after annexing Royal Prussia from the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1772. His most significant accomplishments include military successes in the Silesian wars, reorganisation of the Prussian Army, the First Partition of Poland, and patronage of the arts and the Enlightenment. Prussia greatly increased its territories and became a major military power in Europe under his rule. He became known as Frederick the Great and was nicknamed 'Old Fritz' (German: der Alte Fritz ). Frederick's legacy has been subject to a wide variety of interpretations. For instance, Thomas Carlyle's History of Frederick the Great (8 vol. 1858–1865) emphasised the power of one great 'hero', in this case Frederick, to shape history. In German memory, Frederick became a great national icon and many Germans said he was the greatest monarch in modern history. These claims particularly were popular in the 19th century. For example, German historians often made him the romantic model of a glorified warrior, praising his leadership, administrative efficiency, devotion to duty and success in building up Prussia to a leading role in Europe. Frederick's popularity as a heroic figure remained high in Germany even after World War I. Between 1933 and 1945, the Nazis glorified Frederick as a precursor to Adolf Hitler. In an attempt to legitimise the Nazi regime, Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels commissioned artists to render fanciful images of Frederick, Bismarck, and Hitler together to create a sense of a historical continuum amongst them. Throughout World War II, Hitler often compared himself to Frederick, and he kept a copy of Anton Graff's portrait of Frederick with him to the end in the Führerbunker in Berlin. After the war, the role of Prussia in German history was minimised and Frederick's reputation was downgraded in both East and West Germany, partly due to the Nazis' fascination with him and his connection with Prussian militarism. During the second half of the 20th century, political attitudes towards Frederick's image were ambivalent, particularly in communist East Germany. For example, immediately after World War II images of Prussia were removed from public spaces, including Frederick's equestrian statue on the Unter den Linden, but in 1980 his statue was re-erected. Since the end of the Cold War, Frederick's reputation has continued to grow in reunified Germany. In the 21st century, the view of Frederick as a capable and effective leader remains strong among military historians. However, the originality of his achievements is debated, as many were based on developments already underway. He has been studied as a model of servant leadership in management research and is held in high regard for his patronage of the arts. He has been seen as an exemplar of enlightened absolutism, though this label has been questioned in the 21st century as many enlightenment principles directly contrast with his military reputation. Source: Wikipedia (2024) Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Fee stamps - NSDAP Fee stamps - NSDAP 1/0 Fee stamps of the NSDAP by organisation Der Stahlhelm Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

'1. Tag der Briefmarke' Version 1. Ref: 07.01.1936 7th January 1936 1.Tag der Briefmarke 1/1 '1. Tag der Briefmarke' Version 1. Ref: 07.01.1936 1. Tag der Briefmarke variations. As referenced in Postcards of Hitler's Germany , Vol. 1 (1923 - 1936), R. James Bender, pp.297-8 Variation 1 . Date and illustration on reverse in black (main image above). Ref: 07.01.1936 Variation 2 Date and illustration on reverse in black 'Richard Daniel' imprint in the address panel Variation 3 Date and illustration on reverse in black 'H. Treitel' imprint in the address panel Variation 4 Date and illustration on reverse in black 'T. Zirkenbach' imprint in the address panel Variation 5 Date and illustration on reverse in brown and red with date '7. Januar 1936' on obverse printed in grey Variation 6 . Date and illustration on reverse in brown and red with date '7. Januar 1936' on obverse printed in black. Ref: 07.01.1936 - 24/72 Variation 7 Date and illustration on reverse in brown and red with date '7. Januar 1936' on obverse printed in black and imprint from the Collector's Society of German Inflation Stamps Variation 8 . Date and illustration on reverse in brown and red with no date on obverse. Ref: 07.01.1936 - 24/73 Variation 9 . Date and illustration on reverse in brown and red with 'Fritz Paeplow' imprint to the address panel. Ref: 08.06.1936 - 24/89 Variation 10 Date and illustration on reverse in brown and red with date '7. Januar 1936' on obverse printed in black with Kosmo Cigarette firm imprint Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Membership card with fee pages for the 'N.S. Deutscher Frontkämpfer-Bund (Stahlhelm)'. This being a transitional membership from the former 'Der Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten' (The Steel Helmet, League of Front-Line Soldiers) that existed from 1918-1935 until it's subordination to the National Social system when it became the Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher frontkämpfer-Bund (Stahlhelm), (National Socialist German Combatants' Federation (Stahlhelm)) (NSDFBSt). Ref: Fleurs & Papillons 2nd April 1933 Der Stahlhelm 02_04_1933-steel-helmet-cover.webp 02_04_1933-steel-helmet-cover.webp 1/1 Membership card with fee pages for the 'N.S. Deutscher Frontkämpfer-Bund (Stahlhelm)'. This being a transitional membership from the former 'Der Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten' (The Steel Helmet, League of Front-Line Soldiers) that existed from 1918-1935 until it's subordination to the National Social system when it became the Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher frontkämpfer-Bund (Stahlhelm), (National Socialist German Combatants' Federation (Stahlhelm)) (NSDFBSt). Ref: Fleurs & Papillons Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher Frontkämpfer-Bund (Stahlhelm) Opening pages of the membership card featuring photographic identification of the former soldier during World war One. Ref: 02.04.1933 - Fleurs & Papillons Der Stahlhelm, Bund der Frontsoldaten (German: 'The Steel Helmet, League of Front-Line Soldiers'), commonly known as Der Stahlhelm ('The Steel Helmet'), was a German First World War veteran's organisation existing from 1918 to 1935. In the late days of the Weimar Republic, it was closely affiliated to the monarchist German National People's Party (DNVP), placed at party gatherings in the position of armed security guards ( Saalschutz ). Violet hand-stamp validating Stahlhelm membership for January 1933. Ref: 02.04.1933 - Fleurs & Papillons Der Stahlhelm was formed on 25th December 1918 in Magdeburg, Germany, by the factory owner and First World War–disabled reserve officer Franz Seldte. After the 11th November armistice, the Army had been split up and the newly established German Reichswehr , according to the Treaty of Versailles, was to be restricted to no more than 100,000 men. Similar to the numerous Freikorps , which upon the Revolution of 1918–1919 were temporarily backed by the Council of the People's Deputies under Chancellor Friedrich Ebert, Der Stahlhelm ex-servicemen's organisation was meant to form a paramilitary organisation. The league was a rallying point for revanchist and nationalistic forces from the beginning. Within the organisation a worldview oriented toward the prior imperial regime and the Hohenzollern monarchy predominated, many of its members promoting the Dolchstosslegende ('stab-in-the-back legend') and the 'November Criminals' bias against the Weimar Coalition government. Its journal, Der Stahlhelm , was edited by Count Hans-Jürgen von Blumenthal, later hanged for his part in the 20th July plot of 1944. Financing was provided by the Deutscher Herrenklub , an association of German industrialists and business magnates with elements of the East Elbian landed gentry ( Junker ). Jewish veterans were denied admission and formed a separate Reichsbund jüdischer Frontsoldaten . Adhesive stamp validating Stahlhelm membership for January 1934. Note: Erler (1995) records this stamp being overprinted '1933' in red, and '1935' in black.Ref: 02.04.1933 - Fleurs & Papillons After the failed Kapp Putsch of 1920, the organization gained further support from dissolved Freikorps units. In 1923 the former DNVP politician Theodor Duesterberg joined Der Stahlhelm and quickly rose to Seldte's deputy and long–time rival. In 1923, Stahlhelm units were actively involved in the formally passive resistance struggle of paramilitary formations against the French occupation of the Ruhr area. These units were responsible for numerous acts of sabotage on French trains and military posts. One of the volunteers operating in the Ruhr area was Paul Osthold, who headed the German Institute for Technical Work Training (DINTA) in the 1930s and became one of the leading representatives of German employers' associations in the Federal Republic of Germany. From 1924 on, in several subsidiary organisations, veterans with front line experience as well as new recruits would provide a standing armed force in support of the Reichswehr beyond the 100,000 men allowed. With 500,000 members in 1930, the league was the largest paramilitary organisation of Weimar Republic. In the 1920s Der Stahlhelm received political support from Fascist Italy's Duce Benito Mussolini. Adhesive stamp validating Stahlhelm membership for one month in 1934. Ref: 02.04.1933 - Fleurs & Papillons Although Der Stahlhelm was officially a non-party entity and above party politics, after 1929 it took on an anti-republican and anti-democratic character. Its goals were a German dictatorship, the preparation of a revanchist program, and the direction of local anti-parliamentarian action. For political reasons its members distinguished themselves from the Nazi Party (NSDAP) as 'German Fascists'. Among their further demands were the establishment of a Greater Germanic People's Reich, struggle against Social Democracy, the 'mercantilism of the Jews' and the general liberal democratic worldview, and attempted without success to place candidates favourable to the politics of a renewed expansion to the East. Adhesive stamp validating Stahlhelm membership for one month in 1935. Note: Erler (1995) records this stamp being overprinted '1-35' in red. Ref: 02.04.1933 - Fleurs & Papillons In 1929 Der Stahlhelm supported the 'Peoples' Initiative' of DNVP leader Alfred Hugenberg and the Nazis to initiate a German referendum against the Young Plan on World War I reparations. In 1931 they proposed another referendum for the dissolution of the Prussian Landtag. After both these referendums failed to reach the 50% necessary to be declared valid, the organization in October 1931 joined another attempt of DNVP, NSDAP and Pan-German League to form the Harzburg Front, a united right-wing campaign against the Weimar Republic and Chancellor Heinrich Brüning. However, the front soon broke up and in the first round of the 1932 German presidential election, Theodor Duesterberg ran as Der Stahlhelm candidate against incumbent Paul von Hindenburg and Adolf Hitler. Facing a massive Nazi campaign reproaching him with a non-pure 'Aryan' ancestry he only gained 6.8% of the votes cast. Pages 14 -15 of the membership book complete with Stahlhelm fee stamps. At the head of page 15 the hand-stamp reads, 'Submitted for inspection on 7th Nov. 1935 and in order up to and including September 1935' (this being the day of dissolution). Ref: 02.04.1933 - Fleurs & Papillons After the Nazi seizure of power on 30th January 1933, the new authorities urged for a merger into the party's Sturmabteilung (SA) paramilitary organisation. Seldte joined the Hitler Cabinet as Reich Minister for Labour, prevailing against Duesterberg. Der Stahlhelm still tried to keep its distance from the Nazis, and in the run-up to the German federal election of 5th March 1933 formed the united conservative 'Black-White-Red Struggle Front' ( Kampffront Schwarz-Weiß-Rot ) with the DNVP and the Agricultural League, reaching 8% of the votes. On 27th March 1933, the SA attempted to disarm Stahlhelm members in Braunschweig, who under the command of Werner Schrader had forged an alliance with scattered republican Reichsbanner forces. The violent incident initiated by Nazi Minister Dietrich Klagges and later called Der Stahlhelm Putsch was characteristic of the pressure applied by the Nazis on Der Stahlhelm in this period, mistrusting the organisation due to its fundamentally monarchist character. In April Seldte applied for membership in the NSDAP and also joined the SA, from August 1933 in the rank of an Obergruppenführer . On 27th April 1933, Seldte had officially declared Der Stahlhelm subordinate to Hitler's command. The attempts by the Nazis to integrate Der Stahlhelm succeeded in 1934 in the course of the 'voluntary' Gleichschaltung (English: Synchronization) process: the organisation was renamed Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher frontkämpfer-Bund (Stahlhelm) (English: National Socialist German Combatants' Federation (Stahlhelm)) (NSDFBSt) while large parts were merged into the SA as Wehrstahlhelm , Reserve I and Reserve II contingents. The remaining NSDFBSt local groups were finally dissolved by decree of Adolf Hitler on 7th November 1935. Seldte's rival Duesterberg was interned at Dachau concentration camp upon the Night of the Long Knives at the beginning of July 1934, but released soon after. Source: Wikipedia (2024) Advertising feature within the membership card. Ref: 02.04.1933 - Fleurs & Papillons Link to a web-page regarding the Stahlhelm in the region of Thuringa where the present membership card is from. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

10th March 1933 News in Brief Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png 1/1 Previous NiB Next NiB Riots and abuses in Munich 9th/10th March 1933 Diary entry by Walter Gyssling Dr Walter Gyssling (1903-1980), journalist; career officer, then university studies; joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1929; leading member of the CV bureau for resistance to antisemitism, 1930-1933; fled to Basel in March 1933 to avoid arrest; author of Der Anti-Nazi (1931). Note: The Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith (also: Zentral-Verein, Central Verein, CV, CV, C.-V.) was founded on 26th March, 1893 in Berlin. It represented the majority of assimilated bourgeois-liberal Jews in Germany, stood up for their civil rights and social equality and tried to reconcile Judaism with ' Deutschtum' (Germanness). '10th March. A night of horror lies behind us. Nothing else was ultimately to be expected. Whoever has heard the unbridled diatribes that were spoken yesterday evening in front of the Feldherrenhalle is disgusted but not surprised.' [Correctly: Feldherrnhalle (field commander's hall), a monumental loggia in Munich commissioned by King Ludwig I of Bavaria in 1841 to commemorate the Bavarian army. On 9th November 1923 sixteen participants in the Beer Hall Putsch (as well as four policemen) were killed at the sitein a clash with the Bavarian police]. 'Esser, Epp, Rohm, and whatever all the names of the 'leaders' are, have unhesitatingly poured oil on the flames. They bear the guilt for all the despicable crimes that took place last night. The workers' newspapers destroyed, the trade union premises attacked, hundreds of communist and social democrat leaders arrested. It is awful, but one is somehow used to it already, especially if one saw what happened the week after the Reichstag fire in Berlin. But that bloodthirsty criminals storm the apartments of peaceful, non-political citizens, that people are carried off and roughed up, that nothing, nothing at all, is sacred to these gangs, that was never the case in Germany until now. Today we are trying to at least get an overview of the night's events. Just now a leader of the Bavarian People's Party informs us that the current minister of police, Dr Stutzel, was taken out of his apartment during the night by SA members, brought barefoot in his pyjamas to the Brown House, and savagely beaten there. He probably would have ordered the police to march yesterday morning, had he foreseen his fate. Then a distraught friend comes and tells us that an acquaintance of his, a retailer who has never stood out politically, was assaulted in his apartment during the night by the SA. With words 'we've starved for fourteen years and you, Jewish pig, have devoured the money', the beasts literally tore off one of his arms. The advertising director of a department store was beaten, taken to a remote forest, and tied naked to a tree with rope. Of a Jewish furniture dealer one hears that, as a result of a night-time raid on his house by SA members, he now lies in a surgical ward with a fractured skull. I met the wife of a lawyer. Her husband has fled. Out of rage at this, she was viciously abused by intruding SA members. She can hardly walk. All her limbs are covered with welts and bruises. One arrest after another is reported. Not only the leaders of the left-wing parties, but also numerous Jewish retailers were simply arrested on the basis of some kind of list of proscriptions. We go to the offices of a well-known Jewish society. What we see there is an image of meaningless destruction. Doors and windows smashed, telephones and furniture demolished by axe blows, everything thrown around. Pale and crying, the employees tell us about the attack. Whatever wasn't nailed down and bolted, files, books, typewriters, money, everything was stolen. The looters did not even leave behind a single phonebook or train timetable. there I also hear more details about the despicable fate of the venerable rabbi [most likely Rabbi Leo Baerwald]. During the night, SA members took him to the Brown House, where he was greeted with the words 'here he comes, the crooked Jew-dog who will now be shot'. He was then led to the Oberwiesenfeld parade ground and placed blindfolded against a tree; an execution squad lined up and an officer commanded, 'Aim, fire!' But they did not fire. They merely wanted to give this dignified old man 'a little scare' and then let him go. Instead, another Jewish woman comes and tells about how National Socialists broke in her apartment in the night. Her husband and son were forced to sign a release with the following content: 'I, the Israelite J.L., hereby acknowledge that I am a traitor and agree to leave behind the assets that I have stolen from the German people and leave the country within four weeks.' Scarcely had they signed under the threat of drawn revolvers, when the SA explained to them that a Jew once demanded that Hitler be horsewhipped out of Germany. This utterance was now going to be avenged on them. Both were stripped naked and beaten with wire whips until they collapsed unconscious. So it continues for hours. One shocking report after another. In the end I can't take it any more and leave. Yet I am not to have any peace. On the streets it is even worse. In front of my very eyes, berated and spat at by hysterical beasts, SA members chase a man with whips in broad daylight. He wears neither shoes nor socks, no jacket, no trousers, only a shirt and torn undergarments. A placard hangs around his neck with the inscription 'I the Jew Siegel [Dr Michael Siegal (1882-1979, lawyer in Munich] will never again complain about the National Socialists'. He is one of the most respected lawyers in Munich, who had gone to the police headquarters in order to intervene on behalf of an arrested friend. After he had first been cruelly beaten, he was then hounded through the streets in the condition described above. After today, I know what a pogrom is. Gruner, 2019, pp.92-94 For more information on the Michael Siegel incident click here Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

9th February 1933 News in Brief Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png 1/1 Previous NiB Next NiB 'Terror in Gersfeld' Article from the C.V.-Zeitung , 9th February 1933, p.41. Based in Berlin and with a circulation of 40,000 - 60,000 copies (c.1935), it was the most popular political weekly amongst German Jews. The paper reported on Jewish life in German society and addressed the topic of antisemitism. 'Over the course of the last week the windows of various Jewish families in Gersfeld were smashed. Moreover, a Jewish businessman who gave chase when the windows were shattered was stabbed with a knife and seriously injured. The perpetrators fled but left behind a cap and gloves, so that one can expect them to be identified. Larger riots broke out on the evening of Saturday 4 February. The leader of the NSDAP, the carpenter Heun [William Heun (b.1894); joined the NSDAP in 1930], called on his followers at the marketplace to fetch the Jewish inhabitants from their houses. The fanaticised multitude hereupon marched to the house of the respected businessman Bachrach from the Liebstadter company. [Correctly: Sally Bacharach (b.1881); lived from 1909 in Gersfeld and moved to Fulda in March 1934 with his wife, Ida]. Three National Socialists forced entry into the house and injured the unsuspecting businessman Bachrach, who was sitting with his family, with punches and kicks that were so severe that he collapsed and required medical attention. The barbarous attack is all the more incomprehensible since businessman Bachrach has never been active politically and enjoyed widespread popularity both personally and in business.' Gruner, 2019, p.85 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

31st January 1933 News in Brief Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png 1/1 Previous NiB Next NiB Jüdische Rundschau : Editorial on the appointment of Adolf Hitler as Reich Chancellor In part: 'As Jews we are confronted by the fact that a power inimical to us has taken over the government in Germany... National Socialism is a movement hostile to the Jews. Its antisemitism is programmatic to a degree that no other party has been. It owes a large part of its propagandistic success to the unscrupulous smear campaign against the Jews... when Hitler was rejected by the Reich President on 13 August and 25 November, we did not in any way appear as relieved and satisfied as did part of the Jewish community that refuses to see the big picture and clings to isolated political phenomena of the day... one can say that, even without Hitler's seizure of power, the exclusion of the Jews was already being conducted under pressure from Hitler's party.' [An example of this being Leo Kestenberg (1882-1962), dismissed by the Reich government from the head of music in the Prussian Ministry of Culture in 1932] Continuing: 'When Hitler was rejected for the first time, the Judische Rundschau made striking parallels with the creator of the Christian Social Party in Vienna, Dr. Lueger... who in his time was as much the symbolic figure of antisemitism for the world as Hitler is today...' [Dr. Karl Leuger (1844-1910), lawyer; practised law in Vienna, 1874-1896; founder of the antisemitic Christian Social Party in Austria, 1891; mayor of Vienna, 1897-1910] Further continuing: 'The Reich President, who has appointed Hitler, is bound by his constitutional oath, his moral authority, and his international reputation. the civic equality of German Jews is, however, anchored in the constitution of the Reich. We can only repeat what we wrote in these pages on 12 August [1932]: 'If Hitler becomes Reich Chancellor, the programme of the National Socialist Party, with its well known anti-Jewish statutes, must not become the programme of the German Reich. As party leader, Hitler could draw upon the support of the masses he has fanaticised, but as Reich Chancellor he has to recognise that Germany consists of different elements that have a right to respect for their distinctiveness'... It goes without saying that German Jewry will fight with all means and energy against every attempt at formal and factual disenfranchisement and dispossession...' Gruner, 2019, pp.81-83 The Jüdische Rundschau emerged in 1902 as the organ of the Zionist Federation for Germany. It appeared twice weekly in Berlin in 1933. In 1934 it had a circulation of 37,000. Banned in Germany after the pogroms of November 1938, it was published from March 1939 to 1940 in Jerusalem as the Jüdische Weltrundschau. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

1st January 1933 News in Brief Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png Screenshot 2024-02-18 at 10.15.49.png 1/1 Previous NiB Next NiB 'Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte' The so-called Academic Journal of the NSDAP was edited by Adolf Hitler until the end of 1933; Alfred Rosenberg was its editorial director. The journal appeared from 1930 to 1944. From Vol 4, no.34 (January 1933), in part: 'Recognising that... a volkisch renewal of Germany can only take place on a idealistic basis that corresponds to the ancestral character of the German people and its inherent disposition, and leads it again to dominance, National Socialism felt compelled from the outset to take a stand against alien influences... it had to harken back to the eternally renewing forces of its race and soul, restore them to victory, and repel and eliminate as far as possible any influence of a foreign race on the psyche that prevented the unfolding of our own, or adulterated it. Continuing, '...it would through having an internal bloodstream like no other, which would mean the extermination of the most valuable racial elements , the most creative and headstrong, the most German in character and essence, which would never ever bow to such a reign of deluded notions alien to its nature. [Germany] would be eliminated from the history of peoples, and Judaism would then have experienced not its first, but certainly its greatest, triumph. Concluding, 'It is thus stated in the NSDAP manifesto: 'Only those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be citizens of the state. No Jew, therefore, may be a Volksgenosse. [ Volksgenoss e : Is a German language term meaning a fellow member of a community or compatriot (translated literally as people's comrade ). This was Point 4 of the NSDAP 25-Point Program as announced by Adolf Hitler to an audience of 2,000 people at the Hofbrauhaus, Munich, 24th February 1920]. 'This provides the basis for the next demand: 'Whoever is not a citizen of the state, shall only be able to live in Germany as a guest and must be subject to legislation pertaining to foreign nationals.'' Gruner, 2019, pp.83-85 Article written by Arno Schickedanz (1892-1945), journalist; joined the NSDAP in 1923 and took part in the Beer Hall Putsch the same year; director of the Berlin office of the Volkischer Beobachter , 1930-1933; chief of staff of the Foreign Policy Office of the NSDAP, 1934-1945; head of the main office in the task force known as Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg, 1940-1945; author of Die Juden: Eine Gegenrasse (1927). Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page