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  • Reichsministerium fur Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung

    Official postal stationery of the Reichstauschstelle im Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung (Reich Exchange Office in the Reich Ministry of Science, Education and National Education - the Exchange Office being set up to regulate the tasks of exchanging official printed materials), sent from Berlin to the Nationalbibliothek International Exchange Centre in Vienna. Ref: 30.12.1936 - 18/11 30th December 1936 Ministerium für Wissenschaft... 1/1 Official postal stationery of the Reichstauschstelle im Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung (Reich Exchange Office in the Reich Ministry of Science, Education and National Education - the Exchange Office being set up to regulate the tasks of exchanging official printed materials), sent from Berlin to the Nationalbibliothek International Exchange Centre in Vienna. Ref: 30.12.1936 - 18/11 Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung Reich Ministry of Science, Education and National Education The Reich Ministry of Science, Education and Culture (unofficially known as the 'Reich Education Ministry' or 'REM') existed from 1934 until 1945 under the leadership of Bernhard Rust (succeeded by Gustav Adolf Scheel - 30th April to 2nd May 1945) and was responsible for unifying the education system of Nazi Germany and aligning it with the goals of Nazi leadership. The REM was the successor to the former Preußisches Ministerium für Wissenschaft, Kunst und Volksbildung (Prussian Ministry of Science, Art and Culture), creating for the first time in Germany a centralized and hierarchical institution in control of the Reich's education sector. In 1934, the REM took over from the Reichsinnenministerium (Reich Interior Ministry) the supervision of colleges and universities in Germany, as well as research institutions such as the Physikalisch-Technische Reichsanstalt (abbreviated PTR; translation: Reich Physical and Technical Institute.); today, the PTR is known as the Physikalisch-Technische Bundesanstalt . Source: Wikipedia Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • Wehrmachtfursorgeoffizier

    13th October 1943 Wehrmacht-Fürsorge-Offizier 13th October 1943 Wehrmacht-Fürsorge-Offizier 13.10.1943 Wehrmachtfursorgeoffizier cover.jpeg 13.10.1943 Wehrmachtfursorgeoffizier cover.jpeg 1/1 Feldpost letter-sheet "Wehrmachtfürsorgeoffizier' (Wehrmacht Welfare Officer) to the 'Handwerkskammer' (Chamber of Skilled Crafts) in Lübeck. Ref: 13.10.1943 The correspodence reads: 'The above-mentioned severely war-disabled person has completed his training at the Pusback company in Lübeck and would like to set up his own business in Kükelühn, district of Oldenburg. In a letter dated Nov. 42, you informed the Wehrmacht welfare officer that the procurement of tools will not cause any difficulties, as H. is severely war-disabled. You are asked to help H. obtain the tools. H. is asked to contact the Chamber of Crafts directly.' Additional information on the role of the Wehrmacht-Fürsorge-Offizier is written in an article for 'The Argus' published in Melbourne, Australia. The article appeared in the newspapaer on 13th May 1940, titled 'SOLDIERS OF THE NEW GERMANY - Morale Sound, But Not Indescructible' by François de Tessan . The piece reads as follows: In reorganising the German Army, the leaders of the Third Reich derived their conceptions from the system recommended by Marshall von Falkenhayn, German Minister for War in 1914. On the eve of the Great War he informed Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg of a plan which had been approved by the Emperor, and provided for the recruitment of all Germans physically capable of bearing arms. These masses have been gradually organised, officered, and equipped with powerful material. In this respect, considerable progress was made in 1936. The officers' corps and that of the non-commissioned officers was entirely reconstituted. There were some who alleged that it would be difficult to find the necessary elements for the subaltern grades. In reality the- re-enlistment of former active officers, the transfer of police officers to the army, the promotion of non-commissioned officers with a good record provided the Hitlerian army with a sufficient number of officers of all grades. New military training schools were opened, and also institutes for the education and formation of technicians of all kinds. From 1933 to 1940 the training was pushed forward everywhere with an unheard-of intensity, and since the beginning of the present war the perfecting of officers and non-commissioned officers has continued at a speed and with a discipline that has resulted in a still further increase in the number and efficiency of the men in command. No one will deny that the German army is a formidable fighting instrument. But what is the state of its morale and what are the methods employed by the leaders of the new Germany to ensure the necessary esprit de corps, since it is common knowledge that in modern warfare the human factor is of decisive importance? This subject was dealt with in an article published by the 'Berliner Boersen-Zeitung' of February 19, 1939. A German critic suggested that in this respect the democracies would be less well off than the Germans, since those countries had no 'watchword' rooted in a sound ideology for the guidance of the nation and of the people. 'To-day', he said, 'courage must spring from the very depths if it is to be an element of victory. The tests to which a man is put in the battle are numerous and inexorable. Neither discipline nor individual bravery nor self-control can suffice for the achievement of that culmination of the offensive spirit and that supreme devotion which are necessary. For this there must be a fanaticism born of faith, confidence in the leaders, in the lasting values of the national community and in the righteousness of the cause to be defended. Fighters and non-combatants alike must be imbued with this faith if they are to maintain their conviction of a hard-to-be-won victor against the most terrible odds.' To the German author of this matter it seemed that the 'democratic ideal' would be powerless to incite to such miracles of abnegation as might be achieved by Hitlerian fanaticism The theme has frequently been developed in the military reviews of the Reich. They emphasise the psychological condition for maintaining in the troops a 'glory spirit of service' (Dienstfreudigkeit) and a resolution to surmount all difficulties. Traditional patriotism has, it would seem, been replaced by a new spirit of comradeship, of youth, of devotion to German union on the lines laid down by the Fuhrer. According to the 'Military -Wissenschaft-Riche Rundschau': 'National Socialist Germany has no use for a military corps which would confine itself to teaching its men to handle their arms. Decision is not reached by the weapon alone, but by the man who wears it. Adolf Hitler's soldier is not in fact responsible to this or that senior officer, he represents the principle incarnated in the Fuhrer. He practises the virtues of his ancestors by placing them in the service of the cause of which Germany's regenerator is the symbol. Adolf Hitler's soldier is governed even in peace by the law of war. Each of his acts must express the triumph of the National Socialist State. This is still more the case when, in hours of stress, he has to fight for the ideas of the party, ideas reflecting the greatness of his mission which, in its turn, is bound up with the greatness of his country.' This is the argument put forward by the Nazi theorists. It had not always been unreservedly approved by many of the leaders of the old German army. The latter feared that it would result in a too far-reaching modification of the traditional forms and in the weakening of discipline. What it has been possible to note under fire is that the morale of the younger classes is none the less very high. The fanaticism which has been inculcated in the army during the last few years has borne its fruits. It was but natural that the war should bring about the unification of German patriotism. Among the officers, as in the ranks, the discussion which may have arisen at a given moment as to the advantages or disadvantages of this or that discipline have ceased. Supervision has, moreover, been reinforced, and measures have been taken to inform the high command of the morale of both front and rear. This is one of the reasons why Germany has reintroduced the 'Mutual Aid Service', through which the relations between soldiers and their families are assured by special officers. The mutual aid officer (Wehrmacht fursorge offizier) acts as an adviser and supervisor in removing administrative difficulties, and in hearing the grievances voiced on both sides. But it is quite clear that an agent of the kind is instructed, above all, to check an morale. He is in constant communication with the National Socialist party and State services, with the organisations providing assistance and recreation for the soldiers, with the labour offices, and with the various units of the army. His work is of extreme importance. Mutual aid officers also existed during the last war. Their role has now been extended in view of the political objects pursued in the army itself. The German morale, sustained by all these means, and by the incessant propaganda carried on at the front as well as in the other formations, is further protected by the various measures taken the police. It is solid, but not indestructible, for it will not be in a position to resist indefinitely the forces of truth. The first blow struck at the German moral was the naval victory of the Allies, the effect of which will be enhanced by the striking revenge which is being prepared in Belgium. Hitler's Germany will finally succumb under its own aggressions and mistakes. She will see the fulfilment of President Roosevelt's prophecy- love will always be stronger than hate, for, in the last instance, a country or group of countries having recourse to hate will be internally devoured by this same factor. The Allied victory will be a military victory. In this they will he assisted by the debacle of German morale, which will occur at any moment not yet to be fixed, but which is inexorably approaching. About the author: François de Tessan (1883-1944) French journalist, man of letters and radical politician. From Wikipedia.Fr, in part: Elected deputy of the radical party in 1928, he was part of the group of young Turks elected that year as deputy for Seine-et-Marne (1928-1942). He also became Undersecretary of State (1936-1937), President of the General Council of Seine-et-Marne (1937 - until its dissolution by the Vichy government), Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1937-1938) and Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1938), amongst various other political appointments. He is among those who denounced the Munich agreement and declared that he preferred that France could for a time ally with the USSR (which was nevertheless a communist state) in order to fight fascist countries, like the Nazi Germany or Italy. Entering the resistance, he was arrested on denunciation, in Evaux-les-Bains (Creuse department) at the end of November 1942. He was transferred on 12th January, 1943 to the Compiègne-Royaldieu camp and was then deported only in January 1944 to Germany, to the Buchenwald camp. François de Tessan, officer of the Legion of Honor, for his activities as a resistance fighter, 'died for France' of illness and exhaustion in April 1944. In memory of his actions as a resistance fighter, a column was built in the cemetery of Nanteuil-les-Meaux. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • Nikolaus Horthy

    25th August 1938 Nikolaus Horthy 1/0 Nikolaus (Miklós) Horthy See 25.08.1938 - 26/6 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • Adler 9.39

    13th October 1939 'Adler' 9.39 13th October 1939 'Adler' 9.39 1/1 Feldpost postcard ('Adler' 9.39 Fp C154 Din A6) sent fro FPN 30127 to an address in Munich. Ref: 13.10.1939 FPN 30127 The State Rifle Battalion II/VII was formed during mobilization on 26th August 1939 in Munich, in Military District VII. The battalion was formed from the Infantry Replacement Battalion 61. The battalion initially had companies 5-8 under its command. On 18th September 1939, the battalion was relocated to Poland. There the battalion was placed under the command of Korück 530. On 8th March 1940, the battalion formed the 1st Battalion of the Infantry Regiment 660 of the 393rd Infantry Division. The 7th National Rifle Replacement Battalion was responsible for replacing the battalion. Source: lexikon--der--wehrmacht-de Note: The FPN result from germanstamps.net states Battalion II/VII. However, 'lexicon' does not state this FPN as part of the Battalion. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • September 1938

    1st September 1938 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th 11th 12th 13th 14th 15th 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 21st 22nd 23rd 24th 25th 26th 27th 28th 29th 30th 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th 11th 12th 13th 14th 15th 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th 21st 22nd 23rd 24th 25th 16th 17th 18th 19th 20th

  • Stuttgart Obliteration P300

    16th March 1946 16th March 1946 16.03.1946 Stuttgart obliteration reverse.jpeg 16.03.1946 Stuttgart obliteration reverse.jpeg 1/1 Obliterated Hitler Head postcard (Mi.P300 - RPD Stuttgart). Sent from the stamp dealer Ernst Reinhardt in Friolzheim to a client in Stuttgart. Featuring postage stamps Mi.1 (3 Rpf American printing), and Mi.916 (6 Rpf - 1st Control Commission Issue). Ref: 16.03.1946 - 13/110 The message reads, in part, 'I have received your mailing of 11.3. today, as well as the transfer from Leonberg, thank you very much! I can give you something from your missing list, unfortunately not much, because I would have to break up the sets... Would you take (possibly in exchange) unused D. Reich, Michel 730/733 each 8 pieces, 734 10 pieces, 735/736 each 8 pieces? 737/38 unfortunately nothing.... As you informed me that you have the second part of the Michel 1944/45, would you not leave it with me... so that I can make additions to the Michel 1943...' Notes: Mi.730 to Mi.738 refer to the Winter Relief Buildings set of nine values, issued on the 27th October and 9th November 1939. In the Michel Monats Berichte No1. September 1941the Hitler Head issues are catalogues 781-798. This is the same in their German Specialised of 2016. However, due to the inclusion of high value Hitler Head definitives (of 1944), the catalogue numbering is thrown out of sequence. So, the 9th September 1941 issue for horseracing, 'The Grand Prize of the Reich Capital City', catalogued in 1941 as Mi.799, is now catalogued as Mi.803. Contact Brief History to inform us of additonal information regarding this page

  • Mi.1-16 Luxembourg Luxemburg

    Mi.1-16 (15.08.1940) Luxembourg 1/1 Mi.1 (overprint on Mi.513). Ref: 29.10.1941 Mi.2 (overprint on Mi.514). Ref: 18.11.1940 - 4/58 Mi.7 (12 Pf) - see 11.12.1940 - 32/4 Mi.11 (30 Pf) - see 11.12.1940 - 32/4 Mi.13 (overprint on Mi.525). Ref: 18.11.1940 - 4/58 Mi.15 (80 Pf) - see 11.12.1940 - 32/4 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • Princess Letter 4

    17th September 1936 1/0 17th September 1936 Schloss Wildenwart, Post Prien, Oberbayern to 27 Queen Square, Bath Dear Madeleine! Thank you very much for your letter and the photos. They are very well, especially the family group. At last mine are ready so I enclose them here. I hope you like them. I spent my birthday very nicely. I got a beautiful fur coat, and a broche, (I don’t know how one calls it, it is French, a medal with diamonds or so) and wool for a new jersey in dark red. My black one is finished, its quite nice. What about your blouse? Did you finish it or are you still embroidering it. Please tell me the mistakes I make, because I want to correct them. We did a lot of yachting but now the weather is too bad and Papi went to Sarvar to shoot stags. So we can’t go without him. Ludwig is in Hungary too studying hard. But he managed to shoot a very good stag too. In Hungary one does only shoot, not hunt on horseback, even foxes. Deidi is in Landau with some cousins. Muck, Baby and I are staying here for a week with two aunts. We are living in an old castle near a lake called Chimensee. You can find it on a map. I’m sorry one can’t see the lake from here. But we have a beautiful view of all the mountains. We came here by car on the Reichstatebahn. It was great. We even met an English car. I saw lots of English in Munich. The whole town was full of them. I had to think of you every time I met some. I don’t want to be rude, only I don’t know how to say otherwise. I do think of you very often, besides. I was in no cinema yet. Muck and Baby were yesterday in Flitterwochen (Honeymoon) with Anny Ondra. I’m sure you never saw her Left: Anny Ondra (15th May, 1903 – 28th February, 1987) was a Czechoslovak film actress whose second husband was German boxing great Max Schmeling. although she is rather famous in Germany. They say it was very funny. Tonight we go to see "Schuhplatteln" the national dance of Bavaria. They do it in an inn. I’m rather keen on seeing it. Our Circus is going quite well. I have to play in a theatre at the beginning. I am supposed to be a magician, Rasso my servant, Baby a red cock. I wonder how she will do. The costume is rather a difficulty. Good bye for today. Yours affectionately Loll Dear Madeleine! I will send you some photo’s too, but I have not got them here. Yours sincerely, Baby We are going now to see the National Dance of Bavaria Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • Osterschiwettkämpfe

    25th March 1940 1.Osterschiwettkämpfe 1/0 See 25.03.1940 - 23/59 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • Rectangular Feldpost Rechteckstempel

    15th September 1939 Feldpost Rechteckstempel 15th September 1939 Feldpost Rechteckstempel 15.09.1939 Rechteckstempel.jpeg 15.09.1939 Rechteckstempel.jpeg 1/1 Postcard sent via Feldpost featuring a 'rechteckstempel' (rectangular stamp). Ref: 15.09.1939 Variation of the Feldpost 'Rechteckstempel' MFP9/58 - Approx. 45 x 24mm. Ref: 15.09.1939 Also see 02.06.1940 Contact Brief History to inform us of additonal information regarding this page

  • S.S. Odin

    RPC depicting the salonschnelldampfer S.S. 'Odin' (unaddressed). Featuring special on-board cancellation. Note that the image most likely predates the Nazi regime resulting in the flags being manipulated by the platemaker. Ref: 19.06.1938 19th June 1938 S.S. 'Odin' 19.06.1938 SS Odin reverse.jpeg 19.06.1938 SS Odin reverse.jpeg 1/1 RPC depicting the salonschnelldampfer S.S. 'Odin' (unaddressed). Featuring special on-board cancellation. Note that the image most likely predates the Nazi regime resulting in the flags being manipulated by the platemaker. Ref: 19.06.1938 Salonschnelldampfer S.S. Odin From Wikipedia.de The Odin , built at the Stettiner Oderwerke with shipyard number 526, was put into service in 1902 by the Stettiner Dampfschiffs-Gesellschaft JF Braeunlich. It was used on the Stettin – Saßnitz – Trelleborg line until 1908 , then between Stettin and the seaside resorts of Rügen. The Imperial Navy requisitioned the steamship in 1914 and used it as a mining ship on the Baltic Sea with the designation Auxiliary Scatter Mine Steamer A. After the First World War, the shipping company initially got its ship back, but had to hand it over to Great Britain on 14th March 1919. However, the ship remained in Stettin and was bought back by the shipping company in 1920. In November 1920, the Odin was launched for the East Prussian naval service as its largest ship. It ran on the Świnoujście – Pillau line. In September 1939 the Odin was requisitioned by the Navy and assigned to the submarine school in Neustadt in Holstein. She served as a target and security ship, and from 1942 as a tender for the technical training group for front-line submarines (AGRU-Front) in Hela. For reasons that are not clear, the Odin sank on 7th August 1944 during a gunnery training mission in the Bay of Danzig. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

  • Stalag X-C

    20th September 1940 Stalag X-C Screenshot 2021-11-27 at 09.29.50.png Screenshot 2021-11-27 at 09.29.50.png 1/1 See 30/67 Stalag X-C The Wehrmacht established Stalag X C in Nienburg, in Defense District (Wehrkreis) X (map 4a), by an order of the General Army Office (Allgemeines Heeresamt, AHA) dated July 17, 1940.1 Stalag X C remained in Nienburg until the end of the war, in an area directly next to Oflag X B (Mudra Barracks). When the first prisoners of war (POWs) arrived in July 1940, the construction of housing (wooden barracks) was continued. The camp was subordinate to the Commander of Prisoners of War in Defense District X (Kommandeur der Kriegsgefangenen im Wehrkreis X). No field post number (Feldpostnummer) was assigned, since the camp remained within Germany. The following officers served as camp commandant: Oberstleutnant z.V. Gebhard von July 25–September Kotze 12, 1940 Oberstleutnant z.V. Beelitz September 13– December 17, 1940 Major z.V. Dr. Willi Anschütz December 20, 1940–April 11, 1941 Oberst Curt von Zimmermann May 9, 1941–July 31, 1942 Oberstleutnant d.R. Ernst Bischoff August 1, 1942– January 31, 1944 Oberst Ernst von Koss from February 1, 1944 Oberst Steininger from March 25, 1944 The campgrounds and the work detachments (Arbeitskommandos) were guarded by the 2nd Company of the Home Guard Battalion 325 (Heimatschutzbatallion 325, later Reserve Battalion 233) and by Reserve Battalions (Landesschützenbataillone) 660, 670, 675, and 680. Stalag X C temporarily supported POW Construction and Labor Battalions 2 and 22, respectively (Kriegsgefangen Bau- und Arbeits-Bataillon 2 bzw. 22) during their deployment in the region. This support consisted of, among other things, handling administrative matters, providing medical care, passing on shipments of charitable gifts, and providing support services to the POWs. On November 4, 1941, Stalag X C detailed personnel for the organization of Stalag 370 in Nienburg, by order of the Deputy Corps Headquarters for XII Army Corps (Stellvertretende Generalkommando XII. Armeekorps).3 In July 1943, Stalag X C had a special feature. It served as the central collection camp for POWs who had worked for the Wehrmacht as Geheimnisträger, persons entrusted with confidential information (confidential informants, radio operators, etc.), but who could no longer do so. Usually, the reason for this was that the individual had been exposed or unmasked or that there were security concerns about him. Stalag X C had a subcamp in Rohrsen, in an area with wooden barracks in the communal district of the municipality of Heemsen. It was established in September 1942 and admitted the separatist French POWs from Corsica on October 20, 1942, prisoners who previously had been housed in Oflag V C. The Germans continued their efforts to use this group of POWs for political purposes. The poor conditions in Rohrsen, however, caused the Corsicans to feel as if they were in a penal camp, and their interest in collaboration with the Germans gradually faded away. Then the project was abandoned by the Germans, and the Corsicans were assigned to other camps. From then on, the Rohrsen camp was used only as accommodation facilities for Soviet POWs. Finally, by order of the AHA on May 15, 1944,4 it was disbanded and turned into a camp hospital (Lazarett) for around 500 Soviet POWs who had contracted tuberculosis. The conditions there were very poor and in no way justified the designation of “hospital.” More than 700 Soviet soldiers lost their lives there. Stalag X C was a fairly large camp with an average of around 30,000 prisoners, reaching maximum occupancy in June 1941 with a prisoner population of approximately 45,000.5 The French constituted the largest group. The second-largest group varied, at different times being made up of Belgians, Poles, Yugoslavs, Italians, or, perhaps most often, Soviets. Additional countries were also represented in the camp in smaller numbers, ranging from 5 to 100 prisoners at various times: Great Britain, Romania, Greece, and Crete. Stalag X C thus had the full range of possible prisoners in its area. Until June 1941, the camp also held a total of 100 civilians from France, Belgium, Poland, and Yugoslavia. The treatment of the POWs depended on their nationality. Those receiving the best treatment were the Belgians, the British, and, in particular, the French, who received strong support from the pro-Pétain movement in Vichy France. The POWs from Western nations received substantial deliveries of foodstuffs and other materials from relief organizations. A library (around 20,000 books) was available to the prisoners, and they had orchestras and theater ensembles. These opportunities were also provided to the work detachments, which enjoyed performances and received regular shipments of crates of books. The French published several camp newspapers for their own group: Le Mois, Entre Nous, Servir, and La Françisque. Numerous courses on all kinds of topics functioned for the prisoners as a sort of camp university. The Poles and Yugoslavs received somewhat worse treatment. On the lowest rung of the ladder were the Italians and, especially, the Soviets, who were provided insufficient rations and inadequate medical care and often had to perform very hard work. Clergymen of various faiths who were members of the prisoner population held religious services on a regular basis. Between 85 and 95 percent of the camp was deployed in more than 1,000 work detachments, dispersed among nine district sites. The support area of Stalag X C was essentially the area of the Lower Saxony Regional Employment Office (Landesarbeitsamt) (provided that the places were located in Defense District X). The main emphasis of labor deployment was on agriculture and drainage projects. In the Bremen area, deployment in industry was the general rule. The medical care provided to the POWs usually began in the camp’s medical clinic, which was operated by physicians and personnel drawn from the POW population, under German supervision. Because of the distance from the camp to the work detachments deployed in the Bremen area, Stalag X C operated a medical clinic there. The more seriously ill were referred to hospitals outside the combat zone (with POW wards) or to POW hospitals, such as those in Sandbostel and Rohrsen (here, for Soviet POWs). Stalag X C received numerous visits from a variety of delegations. In addition to the main camp, the visitors very often went to the labor detachments. The following visit reports are known: US Embassy—November 18, 1940; February 20, March 12, May 9, June 17, and September 1941; YMCA— April 24, June 25, September 16, 1941; September 18, 1942; February 23, and February 26, 1944; ICRC—November 13– 19, 1940; March 6, July 7, July 10, August 2, November 24, and November 29, 1941; January 9, August 3, November 10, and November 26, 1942; July 29, and August 9, 1943; February 23, March 25, July 29, and October 13, 1944; March 16, 1945; Scapini Mission—March 8, July 14, and August 2–8, 1941; January 8–9, 1942; February 7, and July 29–30, 1944; DSLP— September 13, 1942 and March 25, 1944; Swiss Legation— February 7, 1944. Some reports contain overall assessments. For the main camp in Nienburg, these assessments generally were in the “good” to “very good” range. For the labor detachments, the assessments varied quite widely. The evaluation result depended on the nature of the work, the housing, and the degree to which the regulations were observed by the employer in question. The assessments covered the entire spectrum from “not acceptable” to “very good.” The Rohrsen subcamp, like the camp hospital into which it was converted, received uniformly negative evaluations. The end of the deployment period of Stalag X C began in March 1945. Numerous prisoners were admitted in the wake of evacuations from other camps. This inevitably led to problems in the distribution of scarce resources. Beginning on April 5, 1945, the POWs who were fit to march were evacuated from the camp and forced to walk in a northerly direction. The first work detachments were liberated in their deployment locations by the Allies. On April 9, 1945, the US Army liberated the Nienburg permanent camp area (with the approximately 15,000 prisoners still remaining there). Source: https://muse.jhu.edu/document/4719/pdf/download Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

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