5th May 1934 Achema VII Koln Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Commercial cover from 'Tammena' lawyer and notary, Emden, to 'das Landgericht' (county court) in Aurich. Featuring Hindenburg memorial stamp - Mi.550. Ref: 31.12.1934 - 9/57 31st December 1934 Title Commercial cover from 'Tammena' lawyer and notary, Emden, to 'das Landgericht' (county court) in Aurich. Featuring Hindenburg memorial stamp - Mi.550. Ref: 31.12.1934 - 9/57 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Official publicity postcard for the film 'Hitlerjunge Quex' (1933). Ref: 09.09.1933 (Fleurs & Papillons) 9th September 1933 Hitlerjunge Quex Official publicity postcard for the film 'Hitlerjunge Quex' (1933). Ref: 09.09.1933 (Fleurs & Papillons) Hitlerjunge Quex (1933) Hitlerjunge Quex , (Hitler Youth Quex), is a 1933 German film directed by Hans Steinhoff, based on the similarly named 1932 novel Der Hitlerjunge Quex by Karl Aloys Schenzinger. It was released in the United States as Our Flag Leads Us Forward. Synopsis Heini Völker is a teenage boy, living in poverty with his mother and father. Heini's father, a veteran of the Great War, is an out-of-work supporter of the Communist Party. The organizer for the local communist chapter, a man named Stoppel, befriends Heini and invites him to an outing in the country, promising him swimming, camping and games. Heini accepts and duly turns up at the railway station the next day. The Hitler Youth are also there, taking the same train. When the communists arrive at their own camp, there is only smoking, drinking, and dancing. Boys and girls play games like cards, unlike the games which Heini expected. Heini doesn't feel welcome, and wanders away. In another part of the forest, Heini comes across the Hitler Youth camping by a lake where they are holding a midsummer bonfire. Heini watches them from a distance, but is caught by them, and taken into the camp, but they recognised him as having travelled with the communists, and so they send him away as well. Heini sees them doing all the things that he hoped to participate in, i.e. camping and swimming. He is enamored by their singing. In the morning, Heini watches the Hitler Youth's morning activities, but Stoppel comes looking for him. He hides from Stoppel and instead catches a ride into town from a stranger. When Heini returns to his home, he tells his mother about the Hitler Youth, and sings one of their songs to her, but his father overhears it and beats him for it. Heini wants to join the Hitler Youth and visits one of the Hitler Youth members' home, promising to come to the opening of their new club house. However, he arrives late, just as the communists are attacking the Hitler Youth members. Even though he had nothing to do with the attack, he is among those arrested by the police. The police arrest some of the Hitler Youth, but no communists. When the police let him go, he is recognised by the Hitler Youth members, who accuse him of colluding with the communists during the attack. Stoppel is impressed by the fact that Heini didn't tell the police that the communists were the ones who started the ruckus. He confides in him that the communists plan to attack the Hitler Youth later that day, but Heini is distraught and threatens to tell the Hitler Youth about the attack. He attempts to warn Ulla by telephone, but Fritz dismisses the matter. Heini also informs the police, but they do not believe him either. In the end, Ulla seems to have convinced Fritz to do something, as the communists' weapons store is blown up. Stoppel realises that Heini must have warned the Hitler Youth, and he goes to Heini's house and hints to his mother that he is going to kill him. However, later Stoppel has a change of heart and orders the communists not to retaliate against Heini. Heini's mother is so distraught that she decides to kill her son and herself by shutting the windows and leaving the gas on in their apartment at night. She is killed, but Heini survives. Heini's father happens to meet Heini's Hitler Youth troop leader, Kass, when both men go to see Heini at the hospital. It is here that Heini's father reveals that he was injured in the war, and that that is the reason he could not work. Kass attempts to convince Heini's father to join the Nazis. Heini decides to move into a hostel run by the Hitler Youth, where he discovers to his dismay that not all members of Hitler Youth have such high moral values as he had thought. They call him Quex, originally as an insult, a shortening of 'Quecksilber' (quicksilver). The Hitler Youth leader takes care not to send Heini to the district where the communists live, but they find out where he is staying. Stoppel seeks Heini out on the street, and tries to convince him to return to the communists. Heini refuses, and Stoppel warns him not to return to the communist district. One day, one of the Hitler Youth is beaten up by the communists while putting up posters, and Heini convinces his leader to allow him to visit the communist district to hand out flyers. However, his fellow Hitler Youth Grundler has been taken in by the communist girl Gerda, and throws all the flyers in the river. Heini then offers to reprint all the posters during the night and puts up the posters before the morning. The communists hear about this and chase him and stab him. The Hitler Youth find him lying face-down dying. The character of Wilde was played by Karl Meixner, of whom Jay Baird said that he looked like 'a Nazi version of the incarnation of the 'Jewish-Bolshevik' will to destruction'. The film allows some sympathy for communists. Heini's father, though violent and drunk, has become a communist because of his, and the workers', desperate condition. In one scene, his argument for his son being with him revolves around his sufferings in the war and his unemployment. Stoppel, the communist who invited Heini to a Communist Youth outing, while saying that he has to be eliminated, takes no part in the killing, Quex having made a strong impression on him. Hitlerjunge Quex was approved by the censors on 7th September 1933, presented to Hitler at the Ufa-Phoebus Palace in Munich on 12th September, and premiered at the Ufa-Palast am Zoo in Berlin on 19th September. Thousands of Hitler Youth members lined the streets during the Munich showing. Rudolf Hess, Joseph Goebbels, Hermann Göring, Robert Ley, Ernst Röhm, and other high Nazi functionaries also attended the Munich showing. It was premiered in the United States as Our Flag Leads Us Forward at the Yorkville Theatre on the Upper East Side of Manhattan on 6th July 1934 and in March 1942 in Paris as Le jeune hitlérien. Over 20 million people saw the film and it was still being show at the Hitler Youth's jugendfilmstunden [de] by 1942. Goebbels reflected on the film as follows: 'If Hitler Youth Quex represents the first large-scale attempt to depict the ideas and world of National Socialism with the art of cinema, then one must say that this attempt, given the possibilities of modern technology, is a full-fledged success.' By January 1934 it had been viewed by a million people. It was banned in Germany after World War II. Source: Wikipedia Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Cover sent from Hamburg to Exter, featuring Mi.499 (3 Pf - Tannhäuser) and Mi.507 (40 Pf - Parsifal). Ref: 17.11.1933 - 14/47 Stamps first issued on 1st November 1933. The first charity stamps of the 3rd Reich period (German aid for the needy), the images depict various scenes from Richard Wagner’s Operas. 1st November 1933 Mi.499-507 Cover sent from Hamburg to Exter, featuring Mi.499 (3 Pf - Tannhäuser) and Mi.507 (40 Pf - Parsifal). Ref: 17.11.1933 - 14/47 Stamps first issued on 1st November 1933. The first charity stamps of the 3rd Reich period (German aid for the needy), the images depict various scenes from Richard Wagner’s Operas. Mi.499 - 507 Winter Relief Fund: Wagner's operas In the past, charity stamps were only available at the P.O.'s but htis issue could also be obtained at the offices of 'Deutsche Nothilfe', both inside and outside Germany. The G.P.O. recieved 5% of the surtax of these stamps, the remainder going to the W.H.W. funds. This issue was originally declared invalid after February 1934, but this date was extended to March so that the could be used in conjunction with the laying of the Richard Wagner memorial stone in Leipzig. Again this date was extended to the final date of 30th September 1934 so that the stamps could be used at the Wagner Festival at Bayreuth in June/August. A slogan postmark was used from 10.07.1934 to 23.08.1934. By this time however these stamps were only available at the G.P.O. and Nothilfe Offices at Beyreuth and Munich. (Harper & Scheck) Notes: Design: Professor Alois Kolb. Recess printing . Sheets 5 x 10. Watermark: Swastikas (the first stamp issue to have this watermark) . Perf. All values perf.14 x 13 (13¾ x 13 - Harper & Scheck), with values 4+2, 6+4, 8+4, 12+3 and 20+10 Pf also being perf.14 (13¾ x 14 - Harper & Scheck). Valid until 30.09.1934 Quantity issued: Mi.499 = 1,818,070; Mi.500 = 2,516,880; Mi.501 = 1,618,361; Mi.502 = 4,328,111; Mi.503 = 2,643,286; Mi.504 = 5,220,555; Mi.505 = 373,121; Mi.506 = 467,795; Mi.507 = 264,238 Mi.499 - Tannhäuser. Ref: 17.11.1933 - 14/47 Mi.500 - Scene depicting the Flying Dutchman. Ref: 06.03.1934 Mi.501 - From 'Rheingold' a scene depicting the three sisters of the Rhine, Woglinde, Wellgunde and Flosshilde. After loosing the Rhinegold to the dwarf Alberich, so commences the sequence of events which form the subject of the 'Ring' series of operas. Alberich is seen in the background with the stolen Rheingold from which he fashions the magic ring. Ref: 20.08.1934 - 2/35 Mi.502A (early use) - In a scene from Act II of 'The Mastersinger', Hans Sachs, the cobbler, sits in front of his dwelling making shoes for Beckmesser, one of the rivals for the hand of the lovely Eva. Ref: 04.11.1933 Mi.503 - From 'Die Walküre', a scene depicting Woton, the God of Gods, bending over Brünnhilde, his daughter, and one of the shield maidens (Valkyries), and taking her helmet from her. This is a scene from Act III where Brünnhilde, having displeased her father, is put by him into the magic trance from which she is awakened by Siegfried. Ref: 20.08.1934 - 2/35 Mi.504 - The scene depicts Siegfried slaying Fafner, guardian of Wotan's treasure and the magic ring. Ref: 20.08.1934 - 2/35 Mi.505 (20+10 Pf) Mi.507 - Parsifal. Ref: 17.11.1933 - 14/47 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

8th May 1933 Presidents Head Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Postally unused. Ref: Box 1 only shown here 2nd July 1934 Imkerbund Postally unused. Ref: Box 1 only shown here In 1933, a Reichsfachgruppe Imker (apiarist) was created to incorporate the national association of apiarists. The local associations (verein) became Ortsfachgruppen. Karl Vetter was Bundesführer of the Reichsfachgruppe from 1933-1939. It seems that from 1939 the apiarist were mobilised to provide honey for the war effort. Note the beehive design incorporated into the logo. Further Carlo Egler 'Honig' artwork can be found here. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

23rd April 1934 Sangerschaft Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

Commercial cover sent from supermarket co-operative 'Edeka' in Leipzig. Featuring a C.2 Francotyp Model 'B' machine cancel. Ref: 05.11.1934 - 16/86 5th November 1934 Edeka Commercial cover sent from supermarket co-operative 'Edeka' in Leipzig. Featuring a C.2 Francotyp Model 'B' machine cancel. Ref: 05.11.1934 - 16/86 'Edeka' The Edeka Group is the largest German supermarket corporation as of 2017, holding a market share of 25.3%. Founded in 1907, it currently consists of several co-operatives of independent supermarkets, all operating under the umbrella organisation Edeka Zentrale AG & Co KG , with headquarters in Hamburg. There are approximately 4,100 stores with the Edeka nameplate, ranging from small corner stores to hypermarkets. On 16th November 2007, Edeka reached an agreement with Tengelmann to purchase a 70% majority stake in Tengelmann's Plus discounter store division, which was then merged into Edeka's Netto brand, resulting in around 4,200 stores by 2018. Across all brands, the company operated a total of 13,646 stores at the end of 2017. The cooperative was founded in 1907 as the E.d.K. ( Einkaufsgenossenschaft der Kolonialwarenhändler im Halleschen Torbezirk zu Berlin , Purchasing Cooperative of Colonial Goods Retailers in the Hallesches Tor district of Berlin). In 1911, it was renamed as Edeka, a phonetic expansion of the previous abbreviation. The Edekabank was founded in 1914 and, from 1923, central billing was introduced. Although the name contains 'Berlin', the group was officially founded in Leipzig. After the Second World War and the collapse of the Third Reich, the reconstruction of the store network was led from the new Hamburg central offices. In 1972, the cooperatives changed structure and formed twelve regional companies, the umbrella corporation and the Edekabank converting from a cooperative to a public limited company. Source: Wikipedia Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

6 Rpf postal stationery Commemorating the Death of Paul Von Hindenburg. First issued 4th September. Valid until 31st December 1935. H&G 234, Mi. P235a (Beige/Buff). Ref: 01.12.1934. Also see 31.10.1934 1st December 1934 Hermann Sieger 6 Rpf postal stationery Commemorating the Death of Paul Von Hindenburg. First issued 4th September. Valid until 31st December 1935. H&G 234, Mi. P235a (Beige/Buff). Ref: 01.12.1934. Also see 31.10.1934 In the typed message to the reverse there appears to be some confusion and consternation between the correspondents regarding the supply of Zeppelin related postcards from Denmark and acquisition of further postcards from South America! Hermann Ernst Sieger (1902 - 1954) In 1922 Sieger founded his eponymous company, publishing his first Zeppelin postal catalogue in 1930. This highly renown publication simply became known as the 'Sieger Catalogue'. Subsequently, he became curator of the collection at the Liechtenstein Postal Museum, as well as philatelic advisor to Zeppelin A.G. It is also noted that in 1932 Sieger became a founding member of the local NSDAP group in Lorch, and its group leader until 1945. Following Sieger's death the company was, and still is, run by family members. Click here for the companies involvement in the Apollo 15 Stamp Affair . Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

1st November 1933 Wagner 1933 Booklet Fridericus 1933 , Hindenburg 1933 , Wagner 1933 , Hindenburg 1934 , Professions 1934 , Folk Costumes 1935 , Olympic Games 1936 , Hindenburg 1936/37 , Modern Buildings 1936 , Hindenburg 1937/39 , Ships 1937 , Ostmark 1938 , Hindenburg 1939 , Buildings 1939 , Hindenburg 1940/41 , Buildings 1940 , Adolf Hitler 1941 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

23rd March 1933 News in Brief - Enabling Act ← Previous Next → The Enabling Act of 1933 Enacted on 23rd March 1933 HISTORICAL EXHIBITION PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG The political situation in the final stages of the Weimar Republic was confusing and unstable. Changing cabinets and coalitions and political, social and economic crises were the order of the day. Paul von Hindenburg, President of the Reich, was resorting more and more frequently to emergency decrees and dissolved the Reichstag twice in 1932. The prevailing political conditions facilitated the transition of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) from a radical splinter group to a party of government. In the two elections to the Reichstag in 1932 and in the election of 1933, which was free only on paper, the NSDAP won the largest share of the vote by far. On 30 January 1933, Adolf Hitler was appointed Chancellor of the Reich by President Hindenburg. Hitler was thus placed at the head of a cabinet comprising non-attached Conservative ministers, members of the NSDAP and representatives of the German National People’s Party (DNVP). The direction in which the political situation would develop under Hitler became clear only shortly after he took office. The Reichstag Fire Decree (Reichstagsbrandverordnung), enacted only one day after the fire in the Reichstag building on 27 February 1933, severely curtailed fundamental rights, subjected the police largely to the control of the national government and thereby created all sorts of opportunities for the persecution and elimination of political opponents, which the police and the socalled auxiliary police forces formed by SA and SS troops exploited to the full. The next step towards the ‘Führer state’ was the abolition of parliamentary democracy and the rule of law. Although the NSDAP-led government had a stable working majority in the Reichstag, the National Socialists aspired to formalise their absolute de facto political power by means of an amendment to the Weimar Constitution. Through the ‘Act for the Removal of the Distress of the People and the Reich’ of 24 March 1933, more commonly known as the Enabling Act (Ermächtigungsgesetz), which consisted of only five articles, the government of the Reich was to be vested with almost unlimited powers to enact laws, even in cases where the legislation encroached on core provisions of the Constitution Since the Act entailed an amendment to the Weimar Constitution, its adoption required both a twothirds majority in Parliament and the presence in the Reichstag of at least two thirds of all its members. The prospects of achieving the requisite number of votes were good, since the mandates of the 81 deputies from the Communist Party of Germany had been rescinded under the Reichstag Fire Decree. Moreover, many Members of the Reichstag had already fled or been imprisoned or murdered. In order to secure the remaining votes, however, the support of the Centre Party was particularly important. In their negotiations with the Catholic party, Hitler and his Interior Minister, Wilhelm Frick, concealed the true purpose of the Act and emphasised its allegedly economic aims. They gave the Centre far-reaching guarantees on the continuing existence of the supreme organs of the Constitution and the Länder and promised to respect the rights of the churches, to safeguard fundamental rights and to establish a parliamentary committee to scrutinise legislative bills. In addition, they held out the prospect of a Concordat with the Vatican. With these promises, most of which were never honoured, the government finally managed to arrange the parliamentary support it required Besides the NSDAP deputies, those of the German National People’s Party, the Centre, the Bavarian People’s Party, the German State Party, the Christian Social People’s Service (Christlich-Sozialer Volksdienst) – a Protestant party – the German Farmers’ Party (Deutsche Bauernpartei) and the German People’s Party all voted for the Enabling Act. Only the deputies from the Social Democratic Party of Germany voted en bloc against the bill, in spite of the massive intimidation by the SA and SS, whose troops had moved in to surround the Kroll Opera House, where the Reichstag was now meeting. The chairman of the SPD parliamentary group, Otto Wels, combined the explanation of his group’s rejection of the Enabling Act with a passionate profession of faith in parliamentary democracy. “The elections of 5 March gave the governing parties a majority, thereby giving them the right to govern in strict accordance with the spirit and letter of the Constitution. Where that right exists, there also exists an obligation. Criticism is salutary and necessary. Never in the existence of a German Reichstag has the scrutiny of public affairs by the elected representatives of the people been stifled to such an extent as is happening now and as will happen even more under the new Enabling Act. The effects of such government omnipotence will surely be made all the more disastrous by the fact that the press is also bereft of any freedom of action.” In spite of these plain words and the clear depiction of the intended consequences of the Act, only 94 deputies voted against the bill compared with 444 who voted in favour. This means that there would have been a sufficient majority for a constitutional amendment even if the Communist deputies had been able to take part in the vote. Even today, however, it remains a moot point whether the adoption of the Enabling Act was actually consistent with the provisions of the Weimar Constitution. The adoption of the Act on 23 March 1933 enabled Adolf Hitler’s government to enact laws without the consent of the Reichstag, which continued to exist, or of the Reichsrat and without the countersignature of the President of the Reich. These extensive powers also applied, almost without restriction, to constitutional amendments and to treaties with other states. The Act thus marked the final eclipse of the democratic state based on the rule of law and the abolition of parliamentary democracy. All the legislation of the National Socialist state was based on the Enabling Act. It served to centralise the public administration, the judiciary, the security apparatus and the armed forces in accordance with the ‘Führer principle’, to standardise political life in accordance with National Socialist principles (Gleichschaltung) by banning political parties and mass organisations and to abolish freedom of the press. The concentration of power in the hands of the government, and hence in the person of Adolf Hitler, sealed the transition to dictatorship. The Enabling Act was initially adopted for a four-year period but was extended in 1937, 1939 and 1943. It remained the basis of all legislation throughout the Nazi dictatorship and was finally abolished after the capitulation by Law No 1 of the Allied Control Council on 20 September 1945. Bibliographical references: Jörg Biesemann, Das Ermächtigungsgesetz als Grundlage der Gesetzgebung im nationalsozialistischen Staat. Ein Beitrag zur Stellung des Gesetzes in der Verfassungsgeschichte 1919-1945 (Studien zur Politikwissenschaft, No 13). Münster, 1987. Martin Broszat, Der Staat Hitlers. Munich, 1969. Irene Strenge, Machtübernahme 1933 – Alles auf legalem Weg? Berlin, 2002. Administration of the German Bundestag, Research Section WD 1, March 2006. Source: www.bundestag.de Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page https://www.briefhistory.co.uk/1933/sott-26.05.1933

24th August 1933 Douglas Gordon Evans Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page