Index page Index page Monuments, Memorials & Sculpture Postcard depicting the Ehrentempel (Honour Temples) located on Königsplatz in Munich. Ref: 05.10.1938 Monuments, Memorials, Artwork & Sculpture in Public Areas BAD KLEVE Ehrenfriedhof (Cemetery of Honour) BAD PYRMONT Krieger Ehrenmal BERLIN Kaiser Wilhelm Monument (demolished in 1950) Neue Wache (New Watchhouse) DANZIG Neptune Fountain - see 36/27 GRAZ Peter Rosegger Monument HOHENSTEIN (Olsztynek) Tannenberg Memorial - see 26.06.1934, 29/69 (1939) HORST (ESSEN) Ruhrkämpferhrenmal (Ruhr fighters memorial) - see 07.11.1934 KOLBERG Nettelbeck-Gneisenau Memorial - see 36/32 LEIPZIG Völkerschlachtdenkmal (Monument to the Battle of the Nations) MÖNCHENGLADBACH Kriegerdenkmal - see 29/70 MUNICH Bavaria statue at the Ruhmeshalle Ehrentempel - Honour Temples (mostly demolished in 1947) Feldherrnhalle - See 29/84 Kriegerdenkmal NEUBRANDENBURG Ehrenmal für die Gefallenen des Landes Stargard - see 33/24 SAARBRÜCKEN Bismarck Memorial (as Saarbrücken Castle) - see 13.01.1935 - 24/42 STUTTGART Bismarckturm - see 25.6.1937 WÜRZBURG Kriegerdenkmal Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

21st January 1937 JB: Rottach-Egern 21st January 1937 Bochmann Rottach Egern Cover sent from Rottach-Egern to an address in Berlin-Zehlendorf. Featuring a special cancellation for Rottach-Egern. Ref: 21.01.1937 ROTTACH-EGERN cancellations as featured in the Bochmann catalogues (1952) JB: Rottach-Egern1/650 - 'Wintersportkämpfe 1937/ der Gliederungen der N.S.D.A.P.' Ref: 21.01.1937 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

21st July 1937 Krafft Simmross 21st July 1937 Krafft Simmross Condor Legion Spanish Civil War. Cover sent by Krafft Simmross, an Unteroffizier (Uffz. - junior NCO), based at Tablada Aerodrome in Sevilla. The cover features a couple of postage stamps, including a partially covered 5 c. 'Pro Sevilla' (Allepuz 7). Ref: 21.07.1937 - 16/53 Tablada Air Base, Sevilla link to Spanish Civil War directory At the beginning of the Civil War, during the morning of 18th July 1936, the Tablada air base was the only military installation in Seville in which there was war activity. During the night several bombers from Madrid had landed to load bombs and then attack the Moroccan rebels. Throughout the morning there were several acts of sabotage by military supporters of the uprising, so that only one plane took off and bombed Tetouan. After the coup occurred in the center of Seville, Captain Carrillo, one of the main conspirators, went to the base with orders to depose Commander Rafael Martínez Esteve and put his subordinate, Commander Azaola, in his place. Esteve refused and, with the help of one of his officers, arrested the two coup plotters. He then sent separate detachments to block the bridges of San Juan de Aznalfarache and Hierro. The latter was raised to prevent the rebels from crossing to the shore of Tablada. At the beginning of the coup attack on the civil government, Governor Varela asked Martínez Esteve by telephone to bomb the rebels in Plaza Nueva and the Division headquarters in Gavidia. Esteve refused, but agreed to send about 100 men to defend the civil government. However, later bad news from the city center dissuaded him from sending this troop. Throughout the afternoon, several planes took off to carry out missions over Morocco. Around midnight, with the civil government and the Assault Guard barracks surrendered, Martínez Esteve became demoralised and also decided to surrender, so he handed over command to Azaola. Esteve was sentenced to death on 20th September 1936, but his sentence was later commuted. Between the afternoon of the 19th and the morning of the 20th, a complete company of the Legion landed in Tablada, under the command of Commander Antonio Castejón Espinosa. A tabor and a company of Regulars also arrived by land. After the coup d'état and until the end of October 1936, the base was the destination of the air bridge that linked North Africa with the peninsula. Fokker F.VII aircraft, Junkers Ju 52 and a DC-2 transported more than 13,000 legionnaires and regulars of the Army of Africa. During the war, it was also the place where Italian aircraft were received and repaired. In the midst of the Spanish Civil War, Albacete was the base of the International Brigades , the foreign forces that fought to defend the Second Republic against the rebel side, located in an important communications hub. The German Condor Legion of Adolf Hitler's Third Reich, which was fighting with the rebel side, carried out an air attack against the city on the night of 19th February 1937, which lasted for six and a half hours of bombing, between 8.30pm in the afternoon and 1.20am the next morning. The Condor Legion aircraft made more than 20 passes at intervals of 10 to 20 minutes. The majority of aircraft used were Junkers 52 from the Tablada air base (Seville) . The bombs especially affected areas such as Feria, Tinte, Altozano and Diputación, as well as the streets Ancha, Paseo de la Libertad, Félix Arias, Hurtado Matamoros, Marzo and Sol, among others, as well as the Los Llanos airfield, killing some 150 people. Source: Wikipedia Notes on Krafft Simmross Krafft Friedrich Wilhelm Simmross , member of Abw I M, KO Spain Source: www.archives.gov SIMMROSS , alias LAGARTO alias GITANO (same alias as SCHULTZE’s). Agent I-M, KO Spanien, Cadiz (named in STUBBS and BUGGE’s report on I-M Spain). Source: gatopardoblog.wordpress.com/2021/04/20/s-the-factual-list-of-nazis-protected-by-spain/ Wilhem Simmross , interrogated by the Allies in 1946, expanded on this information about the importance of the delegations of the Northern Inspectorate. The Inspector Fähnrich Ohlenroth worked mainly from Bilbao and was responsible for Vigo, La Coruña, Gijón, Santander, Bilbao and San Sebastián, a city to which he paid special attention due to its proximity to the border and its connection with France. Simmross provides interesting data on the importance that the German secret service attached to these cities. Of Gijón, Simmross says that it was a port where British ships loaded timber and ore; and that there were large liners in the port of the Musel. Of Santander the data is limited to stating that there was a fishing fleet and merchandise traffic. Simmross states that the Bilbao and San Sebastián delegations worked closely together. For naval matters (Ab-I-Marine), Bilbao and Vigo were the most important, and San Sebastián was the most important for border traffic. In fact, the German secret services consider Bilbao to be the most important espionage centre in northern Spain, the second being Vigo. Map 1 [Not shown here]. The Abwehr in Spain. Reproduction extracted from the interrogation of the Allies with SIMMROSS . Krafft Friedrich Wilhelm SIMMROSS was interrogated between 25th January and 16th April 1946. The National Archives (Kew, London), KV 3. Structure of the Kriegsorganisationen. Figure 1 [Not shown here]. Structure of the Kriegsorganisationen (KO) Spanien. Reproduction from the Allied interrogation of the German spy SIMMROSS . Krafft Friedrich Wilhelm SIMMROSS was stationed in Cadiz and Seville during World War II. He was interrogated between 25th January and 16th April 1946. The National Archives (Kew, London), KV 3-272. Source: The secret services in northern Spain during World War II: the German Abwehr and the English SOE. Javier Rodríguez González Universidad de León Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

20th August 1937 'Flag Wars' 20th August 1937 Flag Wars Nadine Rossol SEE 27/79 'Flag Wars' An article by Nadine Rossol Royal Historical Society Blog and Online Resources, 16th September 2025 In mid-July, a journalist from a right-wing newspaper claimed that the local holiday resort was in ‘a state of war’ because two flags had gone missing.[1] This event does not relate to English communities in the summer of 2025, despite similar language, but to the German seaside 100 years ago. ‘Flag wars’, as they were dubbed even then, are serious business. They show individual agency, political mobilisation and national identity by visibly demonstrating the significance of political symbols. Flag conflicts touch the emotional core of politics, and this is why they matter. This was as true in 1920s-Germany as it is in England today. Displaying—or removing—flags is a conscious act carried out for an audience. There is nothing private about flags, they fly in public or semi-public spaces including city halls, village squares, and gardens. Politicians occasionally dismiss flag conflicts as superficial matters that divert attention from serious political issues. Writing in the immediate post-war period, the Social Democratic politician Otto Braun recalled how, during the 1920s and 1930s, ‘flag issues continued to have far greater significance in the political life of the republic and outweighed many topics that were materially more important.'[2] What Braun missed is that ‘flag wars’ were, and are, at the heart of citizens’ engagement with politics. Contemporaries in Weimar Germany understood this and so too, closer to home, do the people of Northern Ireland. History does not repeat itself, but the processes of public debate, political communication and emotional mobilisation around flags do. 1. Flags come with historical & political connotations: re-claiming is difficult Flags are not made for nuance. They manifest the symbolic power of a political regime and can serve to communicate inclusion and exclusion. Regime changes often mean new flags. The winter of 1918/19 saw a brief period of openness in Germany when, after the revolution and collapse of the monarchy, the country’s political symbols had to be re-thought. Left-wing artist Käthe Kollwitz placed the curious combination of an Imperial black-white-red flag together with red bunting and a green wreath in the window of her Berlin flat to greet returning soldiers. Politically, Kollwitz’s combination of symbols made no sense but it expressed her emotional state of mind. In the aftermath of the armistice Imperial flags quickly turned into the symbol of those fighting against democracy, while red flags returned to being the partisan symbol of the political left. Half a year later, in July 1919, the new National Assembly agreed on black-red-gold as national colours. This decision was a compromise among Weimar’s republican parties. Black-red-gold represented a clear break with the monarchy, did not stand for a single party, and linked the young republic to 1848. However, black-white-red was kept in several specific flags, for instance for the merchant navy and the Reichswehr. 2. Raising flags is never neutral: the political context always matters The early years of the Weimar Republic demonstrated that some supporters of black-white-red had more in mind than the glories of the past. That the assassinations of the democratic politicians Matthias Erzberger and Walther Rathenau—along with other acts of political violence—were carried out under the black-white-red banner showed the intent of those on the nationalist right. These attacks triggered a reaction on the republican side too. By the mid-1920s, the black-red-gold colours stood for the defence of the Weimar Republic. Election campaigns were fought in these two camps, mobilising for or against the republic, behind these respective colour combinations. The republican flag was now loaded with meaning: it linked 1848 to Weimar democracy, centred on defending the present republic and remembrance of republican sacrifices. In 1926 attempts were made to introduce a new, more unifying, design for the national flag, with examples including a combination of the republican colours with the Iron Cross. It was, however, too late. Both the flags had become symbols that stood for the existential division of the Weimar Republic: for or against democracy. 3. Flag conflicts are about emotions, agency and identity By the mid-1920s, flag conflicts had moved from debates in parliament to village greens, market squares and balconies. Republican parties and organisations mobilised around the black-red-gold colours and called upon the local population to display them on important occasions. Supporters of black-white-red did the same and questioned the legitimacy of republican flags on city halls, school buildings or at war memorials. Each side counted flags, as proof of local commitment, and claimed that their opponents were exaggerating their own numbers. For the republicans the black-red-gold flag, even when it was only in someone’s garden, was the key symbol to rally around for defending democracy. This explains the intensity of flag conflicts at local level. Anti-republicans engaged equally actively by stealing or destroying republican flags. The court files on these conflicts provide insight into local circumstances. One ‘Josef S.’ claimed that he had nothing against the republican flag of his neighbour but took it down because it disturbed his pigeons. Another person was accused of cutting up a black-red-gold flag and sewing it together as a swastika. Pupils attended school celebrations of the republic’s democratic constitution dressed in black-white-red to show their, and their parents, disapproval. 4. ‘Flag wars’ need a spark: newspaper coverage, citizens’ actions and politics The summers of 1927 and 1928 witnessed a ‘flag war on the beaches’ during which republicans escalated small-scale incidents to the highest political level. Holiday makers decorated their sandcastles, wicker chairs or beach huts with flags—a then common practice at German seaside resorts. However, republicans informed the press and police that their black-red-gold flags were frequently stolen or vandalised. A visitor on the island of Sylt asked the local mayor for help as his flags had gone missing, including ‘the big black-red-gold flag and the 10 small ones dotted around the sandcastle as well as the two republican flags fixed to the wicker chair.’ Accounts of the latest flag incidents became a regular feature in the press. In response, the republican minister Albert Grzesinski deployed more police to show that the republic protected its colours everywhere, even on beaches. Not everyone was impressed by this reaction. The national conservative paper Deutsche Tages Zeitung claimed that Germany’s criminals would celebrate as the police focused on arresting anyone who stumbled over a republican heap of sand.[3] 5. ‘Flag wars’ are not inherent to one specific political conviction The ‘flag wars’ of the 1920s engaged supporters of the Weimar Republic and their enemies to an equal degree. Towards the republic’s end, conflicts between the political extremes, the Communists and the National Socialists, heightened the existing battles over flags, public space and political power. When the Nazis took office in 1933, they quickly banned the republican colours and phased out Imperial flags. A combination of swastika and Imperial flags was initially tolerated to keep the national conservatives on side and to stress the Nazis’ connections to Germany’s Imperial past. As in the 1920s, the display of flags was seen as an expression of popular support. In the city of Stuttgart, in June 1933, a local Nazi leader complained that Imperial flags greatly outnumbered Nazi flags in the streets. He suggested denouncing businesses and house owners who refused to show the swastika.[4] To display the Imperial colours was clearly no longer a sufficient demonstration of loyalty. In 1937 all remaining flags except Nazi ones were forbidden. However, true supporters of the Third Reich knew well before this which banner they should raise. [1] See Nadine Rossol, ‘Flaggenkrieg am Badestrand. Lokale Möglichkeiten repräsentativer Mitgestaltung in der Weimarer Republik’, in Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft , 7/8, 2008, pp. 619-625. [2] Berliner Tageblatt, 351, 29/07/1933: Die Hakenkreuzflagge in Stuttgart. [3] Berliner Börsen Zeitung , 32 (17 July 1929): Auf Befehl des Landrates: Mobilmachung des Reichsbanners. [4] Otto Braun, Von Weimar zu Hitler (Hamburg, 1949) p. 97. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

1st October 1937 1st October 1937 Princess Letter 26 1st October 1937 (estimated date as no postmark) Sarvar to 27 Queen Square, Bath Dear Madeleine! I send you the promised picture of Solzer now. It is not a very good one, but in our hurry of departure I couldn’t get a better one. We are at last in Sarvar now, and very sad to have left our dear Bavaria. I came in the car with Mami and Ludwig and we spent one night at the Grundlsee in the Salzkammergut at some friends. It is quite near the Wolfgangsee of the “Weissen Rossel”. It was beautiful there. I never saw such lovely mountains and valleys. The others had gone in one day from Leutstetten till here. Our house is full of guests now, quite unusual here. There are two friends of Ludwig, the two younger cousins of Leutstetten with their miss and a maid and for this evening we are awaiting Mary D’Arcy our Irish friend who will stay here till the end of November. We haven’t got time to arrange anything now and the house is in great disorder. I continue now after 3 hours running about and arranging our rooms. It is awful, we are arranging a living room for us girls and then my room and Deidi’s for Rasso, and to send Deidi’s things away, and then also the things of my governess who died in Leutstetten. She had lots of things here too. I am quite tired now. We have a second summer here. The last two days were terribly hot, but today it is better. We play tennis and other things, it is quite amusing now. I must finish as we are going to dinner now. Yours with love, Baby LETTER MISSING Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

3rd January 1937 3rd January 1937 Princess Letter 11 3rd January 1937 Mandelieu, Cannes to 27 Queen Square, Bath My dear Madeleine, Thank you all so very much for your good wishes. I hope you are all well. We spent a nice Christmas here in my new home. But it is rather cold here now and bad weather. I think I am forgetting to write English, but I must often speak it as there are many English people here in Cannes. This is our little house. With best Deidi Left: Mandelieu was the settling place for Pedro’s mother and the birthplace of his and Deidi’s children, Prince Luiz, Prince Eudes and Prince Bertrand. Prince Luiz of Orleans-Braganza (born 6th June 1938) is the head of the Vassouras branch of the House of Orléans-Braganza and a claimant to the defunct Brazilian throne. The Vassouras branch claims the throne in opposition to the Petrópolis branch of the Orléans- Braganzas, headed by Prince Pedro Carlos of Orléans-Braganza. Though both Prince Luiz and Prince Pedro Carlos are great-great- grandchildren of Emperor Pedro II of Brazil, of the House of Braganza, they contest leadership over the Brazilian Imperial Family due to a dynastic dispute concerning their fathers, who were cousins. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

1st May 1937 1st May 1937 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

16th July 1937 Tag der Deutschen Kunst 1937 16th July 1937 Tag der Deutschen Kunst 1937 Official postcard commemorating the Day of German Art. Published by Photo-Hoffmann, München. Featuring cancellation JB:Munich98/554. Ref: 16.07.1937 Tag der Deutschen Kunst 1937 Link to an on-line article explaining the Tag der Deutschen Kunst 1937 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

9th January 1937 Julius Reimers 9th January 1937 Julius Reimers Plain postcard (produced by 'Behso'?) addressed to 'Julius Reimers, Briefhandlung' in Hamburg. Featuring the privately produced "tag der Briefmarke 10.01.1937' overprint (on Mi.513) and special cancellation JB:Hamburg68/354. Ref: 09.01.1937 - 26/81 Julius Riemers Further research required Overprint 'Tag der Briefmarke 10.01.1937' on Mi.513, one of two overprints on the 'chequered' 3 Pf Hindenburg sheet, the other being 'Ka-Be Briefmarken Alben allen voran'. Ref: 09.01.1937 - 26/81 Link to further information on the 'Tag der Briefmarke' overprints. Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

1st August 1937 SCW - Barcelona 1st August 1937 SCW Barcelona Postcard depicting Barcelona sent from ? to an address in Ireland (possibly by a volunteer?). Featuring two postage stamps including the Repubilcan 30 c. (Mi.693, Edefil 726). Note that the colours used on the postcard are green, purple and orange. The colour of the Spanish flag at the time was red, yellow and dark purple. Ref: 1.08.1937 (date for this postcard not clear and has therefore been given this date/reference). Barcelona and the Spanish Civil War The July 1936 military uprising in Barcelona was a military uprising in Barcelona, the capital and largest city of Catalonia, Spain on 19th July 1936 which contributed to the start of the Spanish Civil War. Most of the Spanish Army officers in the city supported the coup, but the Civil Guard, the Assault Guard ( Guardia de Asalto ) and the Mossos d'Esquadra remained loyal to the Republican government. Furthermore, Barcelona was one of the strongholds of the anarchist union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). The rebel troops were defeated after one day of bloody combat. The defeat of the military coup in Barcelona was a great success for the Republic, although after the defeat it became clear that the workers' militias – in particular, the anarcho-syndicalist militias – were the ones that really controlled the city. The coup attempt marked the beginning of the Spanish Revolution and also the beginning of a harsh repression in Catalonia against those suspected of being 'fascist' or opposed to the revolution. During the Spanish Civil War, the city, and Catalonia in general, were resolutely Republican. Many enterprises and public services were collectivized by the CNT and UGT unions. As the power of the Republican government and the Generalitat diminished, much of the city was under the effective control of anarchist groups. The anarchists lost control of the city to their own allies, the Communists and official government troops, after the street fighting of the Barcelona May Days. The fall of the city on 26th January 1939, caused a mass exodus of civilians who fled to the French border. The resistance of Barcelona to Franco's coup d'état was to have lasting effects after the defeat of the Republican government. The autonomous institutions of Catalonia were abolished, and the use of the Catalan language in public life was suppressed. Barcelona remained the second largest city in Spain, at the heart of a region which was relatively industrialised and prosperous, despite the devastation of the civil war. The result was a large-scale immigration from poorer regions of Spain (particularly Andalusia, Murcia and Galicia), which in turn led to rapid urbanisation. Source: Wikipedia Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

21st February 1937 SCW - Cruzada Contra el Frio 21st February 1937 SCW Cruzada Contra el Frio Postcard sent from Salamanca to Germany, depicting a view of Salamanca with the Roman bridge in the foreground (Puente romano de Salamanca). Featuring postage stamps, including a Nationalist 10 c 'Cruzada Contra el Frio'. Ref: 21.02.1937 CRUZADA CONTRA EL FRIO 'Crusdae against the cold' - Spanish Civil War (Nationalist) 10 c (c.1937 - Allepuz 20). Ref: 21.02.1937 Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page

1st February 1937 Heinkel He 51 1st February 1937 Heinkel He 51 Postcards depicting Heinkel He 51A-05 (D-IDIE) and He51A-04 (D-IJAY). The first of the pre-production He 51s began to leave the production line in the spring of 1934. This included the aircraft shown here (other aircraft to leave pre-production were: He 51A-01 D-IQEE, He 51A-02 D-IHAO, He 51A-03 D-ITIU, He 51A-06 D-IREI, He 51A-07 D-IMIP, He 51A-08 D-IZER and He 51A-09 D-IROL). Ref: 01.02.1937 Heinkel He 51 The Heinkel He 51 was a German single-seat biplane fighter aircraft. A seaplane variant and a ground-attack version were also developed. It was a development of the earlier He 49. On 6 August 1936, six He 51s were delivered to Spain to fight in the Spanish Civil War with the Nationalists. Initial operations were successful, with the Heinkels defeating older, obsolete Spanish Republican Air Force fighters on 18th August 1936, the first day of operations. Deliveries continued, and by November two Nationalist squadrons were equipped with the type, along with three Legion Condor squadrons of 12 aircraft each, manned by German 'volunteers'. This time of superiority was short lived, with the arrival of large numbers of more modern aircraft from the Soviet Union, including the Polikarpov I-15 biplane and the new Polikarpov I-16 monoplane, together with the Tupolev SB bomber, which was 110 km/h (68 mph) faster. The He 51 proved unable to protect the Legion Condor 's bombers, forcing it to switch to night operations, while also unable to intercept the much faster SBs. The He 51 was soon withdrawn from fighter duty and relegated to the ground-attack role by both the Legion Condor and the Nationalists. It was replaced in the fighter role by the Fiat CR.32 in the Fascist Nationalist Air Force, with the Legion Condor receiving Messerschmitt Bf 109s from April 1937. While its success as a fighter was short lived, the Heinkel proved more successful as a ground-attack aircraft, being used by Wolfram von Richthofen to develop the close air support tactics used by the Luftwaffe in World War II. It continued in use as such for the remainder of the Civil War, although losses were heavy. After the war, the 46 surviving aircraft would be joined by another 15 newly built airframes, and remain in service in Spain until 1952. The He 51 lasted in front-line service with the Luftwaffe until 1938, when it was relegated to use as an advanced trainer duties with the Jagdfliegerschulen for the first few years of World War II. Source: Wikipedia Contact Brief History to inform us of additional information regarding this page